Explaining Recent Declines in Adolescent Pregnancy in the United States: The Contribution of Abstinence and Improved Contraceptive Use
| John S. Santelli, MD, MPH, Laura Duberstein Lindberg, PhD, Lawrence B. Finer, PhD, and Susheela Singh, PhD
In recent years, the United States has had the
Objectives. We explored the relative contributions of declining sexual activity
highest rate of adolescent pregnancy of any of
and improved contraceptive use to the recent decline in adolescent pregnancy
the world’s developed nations.1,2 However,
since 1991 these rates have declined dra-
Methods. We used data from 1995 and 2002 for women 15 to 19 years of age to
matically. Pregnancy rates among 15- to 19-
develop 2 indexes: the contraceptive risk index, summarizing the overall effec-
year-olds declined 27% from 1991 to 2000,3
tiveness of contraceptive use among sexually active adolescents (including nonuse),
and birth rates (for which more recent pub-
and the overall pregnancy risk index, calculated according to the contraceptive riskindex score and the percentage of individuals reporting sexual activity.
lished data are available) dropped 33% be-
Results. The contraceptive risk index declined 34% overall and 46% among
adolescents aged 15 to 17 years. Improvements in contraceptive use included
increases in the use of condoms, birth control pills, withdrawal, and multiple
among adolescents is considerably different
methods and a decline in nonuse. The overall pregnancy risk index declined 38%,
from the pattern in non–English-speaking Eu-
with 86% of the decline attributable to improved contraceptive use. Among ado-
lescents aged 15 to 17 years, 77% of the decline in pregnancy risk was attributa-
and then dropped dramatically.1 Little of the
Conclusions. The decline in US adolescent pregnancy rates appears to be fol-
decline in Europe seems attributable to delay
lowing the patterns observed in other developed countries, where improved con-
in initiation of sexual intercourse, given that
traceptive use has been the primary determinant of declining rates. (Am J Pub-
the median age at initiation has fallen since
lic Health. 2007;97:150–156. doi:10.2105/AJPH.2006.089169)
1965, indicating that more teens were havingsex.1,5 In fact, the age at which young people
abstinence from sexual intercourse.13 Conse-
of US high-school students in an attempt to
initiate sexual activity has become increas-
understand declining adolescent pregnancy
ingly similar across developed countries.1,5 A
abstinence until marriage (“abstinence only”)
rates.16 We found significant increases in use
mid-1990s analysis of 5 developed countries
as its primary prevention message for teen-
of contraception among 15- to 17-year-olds
showed that adolescents in the United States
agers.14 Federal government requirements for
initiated sexual activity at an age similar to
abstinence-only programs specify that these
improved contraceptive use and delay in initi-
that of adolescents in Sweden, France, Can-
programs must have as their “exclusive pur-
ation of intercourse made equal contributions
ada, and Great Britain but that they used con-
pose” the promotion of abstinence outside of
marriage and that they must not, in any way,
In an effort to update that study, we con-
advocate contraceptive use or discuss contra-
are the result of shifts in 2 key underlying be-
the roles of increased contraceptive use and
haviors: sexual activity and contraceptive use.
delayed initiation of sexual activity in ex-
Between 1971 and 1988, age at sexual initia-
Federal government funding for abstinence-
plaining changes in pregnancy risk over the
tion among US teenagers became increasingly
only education in the United States has grown
younger, as demonstrated by increases in the
rapidly since 1998, despite a lack of scientific
aged 15 to 19 years. We used data from the
proportion of adolescents who had ever expe-
evidence in support of these programs and
rienced coitus.7–9 At the beginning of the
concerns about their informational content
Survey of Family Growth (NSFG), a nation-
1990s this trend reversed, and declines in
and ethical acceptability.13,14 In addition, the
ally representative household survey that
early sexual experience have since been doc-
federal government, through its foreign aid
provides more complete coverage of female
umented in both school-based and household
adolescents (particularly older adolescents
nence as a means of preventing HIV infection
and those who are out of school) than high-
Social conservatives in the United States
school surveys. The NSFG also provides de-
In a previous analysis, we examined nation-
tailed information about contraceptive use,
in adolescent pregnancy rates to increased
ally representative data derived from samples
allowing assessment of trends in dual- and
150 | Research and Practice | Peer Reviewed | Santelli et al.
American Journal of Public Health | January 2007, Vol 97, No. 1
multiple-method use, which can greatly re-
Data on pregnancies. We used data on 1991
using a specific contraceptive method over a
to 2000 pregnancy and birth rates obtained
from the National Center for Health Statistics to
for women’s first year of typical use based on
compare our measure of overall pregnancy risk
with actual pregnancy rates.3 The pregnancy
adjusted for underreporting of abortion.18
rates for 2001 were computed using the same
The NSFG is a periodic (every 7 years) na-
Failure rates from the 2002 NSFG were not
method employed by the National Center for
tional probability survey conducted among
available at the time this article was written.
Health Statistics. To estimate pregnancy rates
noninstitutionalized adult (15–44 years of
The failure rate for nonuse of contracep-
for 2002, we calculated a linear extrapolation
age) residents of the United States.17 Our
tion was based on widely accepted data pro-
vided by Trussell.19 We estimated failure rates
were aged 15 to 19 years at the time they
for combined method use at most recent in-
tercourse by multiplying the method-specific
We initially estimated, for both 1995 and
2002 (n = 1150). Further information about
failure rates calculated for the 2 methods.
2002, the percentages of female adolescents
the design of the NSFG is available elsewhere
who were sexually active. We then tested for
(http://www.cdc.gov/nchs/nsfg.htm.).
changes in percentage over time overall and
limited our failure rate calculations to the 2
by age and race/ethnicity. Next, we measured
Sexual activity and contraceptive use. We re-
Risk indices. We created 2 related indexes
young women had used at their most recent
coded the publicly available NSFG data to in-
for this study: (1) the contraceptive risk
sexual intercourse, as well as the number of
crease the comparability of the relevant mea-
index, a weighted-average contraceptive use/
sures in the 2 waves of data collection. Our
analyses were based on 2 central measures:
our previously labeled weighted-average con-
was assigned an individual contraceptive risk
recent sexual activity and contraceptive use at
traceptive failure rate index16), and (2) the
score on the basis of the 2 most effective con-
overall pregnancy risk index. The contracep-
traceptive methods she had used at her most
had engaged in vaginal intercourse at any
tive risk index summarizes the overall effec-
recent sexual intercourse. We used this infor-
point during the 3 months before the inter-
tiveness of a group’s contraceptive use and
mation to calculate the mean and variance of
view were defined as having been recently
essentially represents pregnancy risk for the
the contraceptive risk index and test for
sexually active. For comparison purposes,
sexually active proportion of that population
by summing the product of each method-spe-
2002, both overall and separately according
cific failure rate and the proportion of those
experienced (i.e., had ever engaged in vaginal
who are sexually active using that method at
In the next part of our analysis, we calcu-
their most recent sexual intercourse.18,19 In
lated age- and race/ethnicity-specific changes
We assessed contraceptive use at most re-
these calculations, nonuse of contraception
over time in overall pregnancy risk index val-
was considered a “method” involving a spe-
ues. We computed standard errors and tests
who had been sexually active in the preced-
cific risk of pregnancy. Thus, here the contra-
of statistical significance using the svy series
ing 3 months, reducing measurement issues
ceptive risk index can be represented as fol-
of commands in Stata 8.2 (Stata Corp, College
related to recall. Women could report use of
lows: Σ(percentage of sexually active women
Station, Tex) to account for the stratified sur-
up to 4 contraceptive methods in combina-
using method x × CFR for method x), where
vey designs.20 To calculate the mean and vari-
tion at their most recent sexual intercourse or
x = each specific method or method combina-
ance for the overall pregnancy risk index, we
tion. (The CFR for each method is reported
assigned sexually active teenagers a value
were pregnant at the time of the interview
equal to this contraceptive risk score and as-
signed those not sexually active a score of
having used the contraceptive method they
rizes the risk of pregnancy among all adoles-
zero. Implicit in this index is the fact that ado-
were using when they became pregnant (most
cents (including those who are not currently
lescents who were not sexually active at the
were using no method); these data were col-
sexually active), incorporating information
time of the study, even if they had previously
lected in a separate section of the interview in
about both the level of recent sexual activity
been sexually active, did not face a current
which detailed histories were obtained.
and the level of contraceptive risk among
Contraceptive failure rates. In addition to the
those who were sexually active at the time of
sexual activity and contraceptive use mea-
the study. Thus, the overall pregnancy risk
nancy risk index into its component parts to as-
sures, our calculations required measures of
cribe the decline in pregnancy risk from 1995
method-specific contraceptive failure rates
women who were sexually active multiplied
to 2002 to changes in sexual activity and
(CFRs). A “typical-use” CFR is the number of
changes in contraceptive use. The percentage
January 2007, Vol 97, No. 1 | American Journal of Public Health
Santelli et al. | Peer Reviewed | Research and Practice | 151
of the decline in pregnancy rate because of the
ever engaged in sexual intercourse declined
increases in sexual activity among sexually
decline in sexual activity was calculated as
10% (52% to 47%; P = .035; Table 1). There
was a 22% decline in the 15- to 17-year-old
group (P = .003), and there was no change
cluding increases in the use of individual
where SA represents the percentage of sexu-
time points). The number of young Hispanic
methods, increases in the use of multiple
ally active young women and CRI represents
methods, and declines in nonuse (Table 2).
the contraceptive risk index. Similarly, the
tercourse declined (P = .003), but there was
percentage of the decline in pregnancy rate
methods included increases in the use of con-
because of improved contraceptive use was
Hispanic White (P = .156) or Black (P = .415)
doms (36% to 53%), birth control pills (24%
to 33%), injection methods (8% to 10%), and
More relevant to this analysis, rates of sex-
ual activity (i.e., sexual intercourse during the
ceased after its removal from the US market.
preceding 3 months) did not decline signifi-
nearly identical to those obtained with an al-
cantly among either 15- to 19-year-olds (41%
ternative approach suggested by Preston et
to 38%; P = .244) or 18- and 19-year-olds.
al.21 We used a bootstrapping procedure with
Among 15- to 17-year-olds, the decline in sex-
500 iterations to calculate confidence inter-
ual activity (28% to 23%) was of borderline
vals (CIs) for percentage changes because of
statistical significance (P = .065). Hispanic 15-
and withdrawal, pills and withdrawal, and in-
sexual activity and percentage changes be-
to 19-year-olds exhibited a decline from 46%
jection and condoms. Overall, the contracep-
to 35% (P = .032). Again, no significant
tive risk index declined 34% (P < .001).
change was found for non-Hispanic Whites or
Blacks in that age group. In general, we found
15- to 17-year-olds were even larger than
smaller changes in recent sexual intercourse
changes among 15- to 19-year-olds. The rate
than in history of ever having sexual inter-
course, as a result of small, nonsignificant
whereas pill use increased from 19% to 39%. Nonuse declined from 35% to 14%. Use of2 or more methods rose from 12% to 33%,
TABLE 1—Percentages of Young Women Aged 15–19 Years Engaging in Sexual Intercourse: National Survey of Family Growth, 1995 and 2002
the pill and condom simultaneously (22%).
The contraceptive risk index declined 46%
(P < .001). Although the increase in contra-ceptive use was not as dramatic among 18-
History of sexual intercourse
and 19-year-olds, the decline in the contra-
ceptive risk index (27%) was still consider-
able (P = .004), and the percentage in which
with considerable increases in the use of indi-
Recent sexual intercoursea
from 38% to 58%, and use of birth control
pills increased from 29% to 40%. Use of 2 or
simultaneous pill and condom use rose from
9% to 17%. The contraceptive risk index de-
clined 44% (P < .001). The data for non-
Table 2 should be considered with caution
aDefined as withing the past 3 months.
given the small sample sizes for these groupsin both years.
152 | Research and Practice | Peer Reviewed | Santelli et al.
American Journal of Public Health | January 2007, Vol 97, No. 1
TABLE 2—Percentages of Sexually Active Young Women Aged 15–19 Years Who Used Selected Contraceptive Methods at Most Recent Sexual Intercourse and Contraceptive Failure Rates Risk Scores: National Survey of Family Growth, 1995 and 2002 Note. Typical-use first-year contraceptive failure rates are from Ranjit et al.18 unless otherwise noted. aFrom Trussell.19b Weighted-average contraceptive use or nonuse risk score, abbreviated as contraceptive risk index.
As described in the “Methods” section, the
Blacks and Hispanics, changes were of border-
changes in the 2 key components: sexual ac-
overall pregnancy risk index combined the
line statistical significance for both groups.
tivity and contraceptive use. As Table 4 dem-
impact of changes in sexual activity and con-
(Note that, in each case, the decline in actual
onstrates, the largest changes in behaviors
traceptive use (Table 3). Overall, pregnancy
birth and pregnancy rates fell within the con-
fidence intervals for the change in pregnancy
15- to 17-year-olds. This finding is consistent
risk. This represents one way to validate the
with the largest changes in actual pregnancy
among 15- to 17-year-olds (55%, from 9.7 to
calculation of our overall pregnancy risk
rates occurring among younger teenagers.
4.4) than among 18- and 19-year-olds (27%,
from 19.6 to 14.4). The change in the overall
served among 15- to 19-year-olds was attrib-
utable to a decrease in the percentage of sex-
Hispanic Whites was significant; however,
nancy risk and also displays the overall per-
ually active young women (95% CI = –18%,
centages of change that could be attributed to
January 2007, Vol 97, No. 1 | American Journal of Public Health
Santelli et al. | Peer Reviewed | Research and Practice | 153
TABLE 3—Changes in Pregnancy Risk, by Age and Race/Ethnicity: National Survey of Family Growth, 1995 and 2002
Change, 1995–2002, % (95% confidence interval)
aData for 2002 not available; change extrapolated from trend between 1995 and 2001. TABLE 4—Summary of Changes in Sexual Activity and Risk Index Values and Overall Changes Attributable to Sexual Activity and Contraceptive Use: National Survey of Family Growth, 1995 and 2002
Overall change attributable to sexual activity (95% CI)
Overall change attributable to contraceptive use (95% CI)
Note. CI = confidence interval.
CI = 74%, 128%). As noted earlier, attribu-
availability and increased use of modern con-
tions for non-Hispanic Blacks and Hispanics
traceptives have been primarily responsible
(Table 4) should be interpreted with caution
for declines in adolescent pregnancy rates.1
given the limited sample sizes and large con-
Our findings raise questions about current
CI = 55%, 106%). (Confidence intervals for
US government policies that promote absti-
attributions [and the attributions themselves]
nence from sexual activity as the primary
strategy to prevent adolescent pregnancy.
because one of the 2 changes may have actu-
ally been in the opposite direction of the
Our data suggest that declining adolescent
federal government’s efforts to promote
overall change. For example, if sexual activity
pregnancy rates in the United States between
abstinence-only strategies. The limited evalu-
actually increased in one group but contra-
1995 and 2002 were primarily attributable
ations of abstinence-only sex education pro-
ceptive use and the overall pregnancy risk
to improved contraceptive use. The decline
declined, sexual activity would have made a
in pregnancy risk among 18- and 19-year-olds
successful in delaying initiation of sexual in-
“negative” contribution to the decline in preg-
was entirely attributable to increased contra-
tercourse.22 Although abstinence is theoreti-
nancy risk, and contraceptive use would have
ceptive use. Decreased sexual activity was re-
cally highly effective in preventing unin-
been responsible for “more than” 100% of
sponsible for about one quarter (23%) of the
tended pregnancies and sexually transmitted
the change.) All of the change in pregnancy
decline among 15- to 17-year-olds, and in-
infections (STIs), in actual practice abstinence
risk among 18- and 19-year-olds was the re-
creased contraceptive use was responsible for
intentions often fail.14,23 Abstinence pro-
the remainder (77%). Improved contraceptive
use included increases in the use of many
other prevention behaviors. For example, a
individual methods, increases in the use of
longitudinal examination of the virginity
mated that 7% of the change was attributa-
multiple methods, and substantial declines
ble to a decrease in the percentage of sexu-
delay initiation of sexual intercourse; how-
ally active young women (95% CI = –28%,
These data suggest that the United States
ever, they were less likely to use contracep-
tion when they initiated sexual activity and
other developed countries where increased
were less likely to seek STI screenings.24
154 | Research and Practice | Peer Reviewed | Santelli et al.
American Journal of Public Health | January 2007, Vol 97, No. 1
Identifying changes in the behaviors that
result of differences in age groups and time
questions about contraception use at most re-
result in adolescent pregnancy can provide
periods, inclusion of young people who are
cent intercourse did assess consistency of
some insight into the social forces that influ-
not in school, and more complete measure-
ence these behaviors. Increases in the use of
changes in biological fecundity among teen-
multiple methods of contraception suggest an
increased motivation to avoid pregnancy and
STIs, which in turn suggest declines in the so-
cial acceptability of adolescent childbearing
self-reported information is used, one must al-
and increases in educational and employment
ways consider the potential for over- and
our results? Although more adolescents in the
opportunities. Increasing rates of condom use
under-reporting. Adolescents are generally re-
United States are delaying initiation of sexual
in the United States reflect continuing con-
liable reporters of information on sexual
intercourse, the impact of this change on
health.31 However, given increasing social
pregnancy risk is small and confined to youn-
pressure to delay sexual initiation and avoid
ger teenagers (i.e., 15- to 17-year-olds). Over-
pregnancy, adolescents may be more likely
all, increasing rates of contraceptive use ap-
their communities may increasingly see ado-
today than in the past to underreport sexual
lescent pregnancy as a barrier to improve-
activity or overreport contraceptive use.
declining pregnancy rates between 1995 and
ments in life circumstances.26 Adolescents
2002, and this assessment appears to be con-
who are also parents have become less so-
adequate, sample sizes become problemati-
sistent with the pattern in other developed
cially acceptable.27 Delays in initiation of sex-
cally small in analyses of subgroups. This was
countries. Public policies and programs in
ual activity are traceable to many factors, in-
particularly true for the Black and Hispanic
the United States and elsewhere should vigor-
cluding broad public support for delaying
subgroups, in which the numbers of sexually
ously promote provision of accurate informa-
initiation of sexual intercourse at least until
tion on contraception and on sexual behavior
graduation from high school.27 Ironically, the
over, variance around changes in percentages
and relationships, support increased availabil-
trend toward later initiation of sexual inter-
or around attribution was much larger than
ity and accessibility of contraceptive services
course and declines in adolescent pregnancy
variance around estimates for a single point
and supplies for adolescents, and promote the
appears to have preceded recent intensive ef-
in time. As such, care should be taken in in-
value of responsible and protective behaviors,
forts on the part of the US government to
terpreting our estimates for these smaller
including condom and contraceptive use and
Abstinence promotion is a worthwhile goal,
hensive information on the factors underlying
with instability in the NSFG data for Hispanic
particularly among younger teenagers; how-
recent declines in US rates of adolescent
adolescents. In our analyses, the decline in
ever, the scientific evidence shows that, in it-
pregnancy. Earlier studies involving NSFG
sexual experience among Hispanic teenagers
self, it is insufficient to help adolescents pre-
data28,29,30 focused on the years 1988 to
1995, a period in which there were relatively
larger than the changes observed in other
emphasis of US domestic and global policies,
small changes in rates of adolescent preg-
groups. Likewise, a comparison of the 1988,
which stress abstinence-only sex education to
1995, and 2002 versions of the NSFG10 re-
the exclusion of accurate information on con-
allow exploration of behavioral changes dur-
vealed wide differences over time in sexual
traception, is misguided. Similar approaches
experience estimates among young Hispanic
should not be adopted by other nations.
25%, respectively). These differences seem
implausible and may have resulted from the
The authors are with the Guttmacher Institute, New York,
that both increased abstinence and increased
limited sample size or other problems in-
NY. John S. Santelli is also with the Heilbrunn Department
contraceptive use contributed to the decline
volved in sampling an ethnic group that is
of Population and Family, Mailman School of PublicHealth, Columbia University, New York, NY.
heterogeneous with respect to national origin
Requests for reprints should be sent to John S. Santelli,
olds.16 Relative to school surveys, the NSFG
MD, MPH, Heilbrunn Department of Population and
includes more data on older teenagers and
Family Health, Mailman School of Public Health, Colum-bia University, 60 Haven Ave, B-2, New York, NY 10032
those who have left school and collects more
whether contraceptives were used correctly
detailed information about contraceptive use.
or in biological fecundity. Correct use of con-
This article was accepted August 25, 2006.
In comparison with our school-based study,
this analysis of the NSFG showed a larger
contribution of contraceptive use to declines
most recent available failure rates (for 1995).
J. S. Santelli originated the study and assumed primaryresponsibility for the writing of the article. L. Duberstein
in adolescent pregnancy rates. We believe
Ranjit et al. found no changes between 1988
Lindberg was the primary data analyst and was in-
that these differences in attribution are the
volved in the origination of the study. L. B. Finer
January 2007, Vol 97, No. 1 | American Journal of Public Health
Santelli et al. | Peer Reviewed | Research and Practice | 155
provided expertise on advanced statistical methods.
15. Access to Condoms and HIV/AIDS Information: ABehind the Mask
S. Singh provided expertise on research methods and
Global Health and Human Rights Concern. New York,
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This study was supported by the Ford Foundation
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American Journal of Public Health | January 2007, Vol 97, No. 1
LEY No. 2.051 DE CONTRATACIONES PÚBLICAS. La presente ley establece el Sistema de Contrataciones del Sector Público y tiene por objetoregular las acciones de planeamiento, programación, presupuesto, contratación, ejecución, erogacióny control de las adquisiciones y locaciones de todo tipo de bienes, la contratación de servicios engeneral, los de consultoría y de las obras públicas
MODULE 12 REFERRAL FOR MEDICATION Module 12: Referral for Medication Boston Center for Treatment Development and Training Table Of Contents TABLE OF CONTENTS………………………………………………………….……………… II MODULE 12: REFERRAL FOR MEDICATION……………………….…………………………. 1 BACKGROUND …………